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Of the 43 multi-district states whose electoral votes could be affected by the congressional district method, only Maine 4 EV and Nebraska 5 EV currently utilize this allocation method.

Nebraska has used the congressional district method since the election of The congressional district method allows a state the chance to split its electoral votes between multiple candidates.

Prior to , neither Maine nor Nebraska had ever split their electoral votes. In , Republicans in Pennsylvania, who controlled both houses of the legislature as well as the governorship, put forward a plan to change the state's winner-takes-all system to a congressional district method system.

Pennsylvania had voted for the Democratic candidate in the five previous presidential elections, so some saw this as an attempt to take away Democratic electoral votes.

The district plan would have awarded him 11 of its 21 electoral votes, a Arguments between proponents and opponents of the current electoral system include four separate but related topics: indirect election, disproportionate voting power by some states, the winner-takes-all distribution method as chosen by 48 of the 50 states , and federalism.

Arguments against the Electoral College in common discussion focus mostly on the allocation of the voting power among the states. Gary Bugh's research of congressional debates over proposed constitutional amendments to abolish the Electoral College reveals reform opponents have often appealed to a traditional republican version of representation, whereas reform advocates have tended to reference a more democratic view.

The elections of , , , and produced an Electoral College winner who did not receive at least a plurality of the nationwide popular vote.

When no candidate received a majority of electoral votes in , the election was decided by the House of Representatives and so could be considered distinct from the latter four elections in which all of the states had popular selection of electors.

Opponents of the Electoral College claim such outcomes do not logically follow the normative concept of how a democratic system should function. One view is the Electoral College violates the principle of political equality, since presidential elections are not decided by the one-person one-vote principle.

Supporters of the Electoral College argue candidates must build a popular base that is geographically broader and more diverse in voter interests than either a simple national plurality or majority.

Neither is this feature attributable to having intermediate elections of presidents, caused instead by the winner-takes-all method of allocating each state's slate of electors.

Allocation of electors in proportion to the state's popular vote could reduce this effect. Senate, and for statewide allocation of electoral votes, do not ignore voters in less populated areas.

Elections where the winning candidate loses the national popular vote typically result when the winner builds the requisite configuration of states and thus captures their electoral votes by small margins, but the losing candidate secures large voter margins in the remaining states.

In this case, the very large margins secured by the losing candidate in the other states would aggregate to a plurality of the ballots cast nationally.

However, commentators question the legitimacy of this national popular vote. They point out that the national popular vote observed under the Electoral College system does not reflect the popular vote observed under a National Popular Vote system, as each electoral institution produces different incentives for, and strategy choices by, presidential campaigns.

Conversely, the institutional structure of a national popular vote system would encourage candidates to pursue voter turnout wherever votes could be found, even in "safe" states they are already expected to win, and in "safe" states they have no hope of winning.

According to this criticism, the Electoral College encourages political campaigners to focus on a few so-called "swing states" while ignoring the rest of the country.

Populous states in which pre-election poll results show no clear favorite are inundated with campaign visits, saturation television advertising, get-out-the-vote efforts by party organizers, and debates, while "four out of five" voters in the national election are "absolutely ignored", according to one assessment.

In contrast, states with large populations such as California , Texas , and New York , have in recent elections been considered "safe" for a particular party — Democratic for California and New York and Republican for Texas — and therefore campaigns spend less time and money there.

Many small states are also considered to be "safe" for one of the two political parties and are also generally ignored by campaigners: of the 13 smallest states, six are reliably Democratic, six are reliably Republican, and only New Hampshire is considered as a swing state, according to critic George C.

Edwards III in Except in closely fought swing states, voter turnout is largely insignificant due to entrenched political party domination in most states.

The Electoral College decreases the advantage a political party or campaign might gain for encouraging voters to turn out, except in those swing states.

The differences in turnout between swing states and non-swing states under the current electoral college system suggest that replacing the Electoral College with direct election by popular vote would likely increase turnout and participation significantly.

According to this criticism, the electoral college reduces elections to a mere count of electors for a particular state, and, as a result, it obscures any voting problems within a particular state.

For example, if a particular state blocks some groups from voting, perhaps by voter suppression methods such as imposing reading tests, poll taxes, registration requirements, or legally disfranchising specific minority groups, then voting inside that state would be reduced, but as the state's electoral count would be the same, disenfranchisement has no effect on the overall electoral tally.

Critics contend that such disenfranchisement is partially obscured by the Electoral College. A related argument is the Electoral College may have a dampening effect on voter turnout: there is no incentive for states to reach out to more of its citizens to include them in elections because the state's electoral count remains fixed in any event.

According to this view, if elections were by popular vote, then states would be motivated to include more citizens in elections since the state would then have more political clout nationally.

Critics contend the electoral college system insulates states from negative publicity as well as possible federal penalties for disenfranching subgroups of citizens.

Legal scholars Akhil Amar and Vikram Amar have argued that the original Electoral College compromise was enacted partially because it enabled Southern states to disenfranchise their slave populations.

They noted that James Madison believed the question of counting slaves had presented a serious challenge, but that "the substitution of electors obviated this difficulty and seemed on the whole to be liable to the fewest objections.

The founders' system also encouraged the continued disfranchisement of women. In a direct national election system, any state that gave women the vote would automatically have doubled its national clout.

Under the Electoral College, however, a state had no such incentive to increase the franchise; as with slaves, what mattered was how many women lived in a state, not how many were empowered By contrast, a well-designed direct election system could spur states to get out the vote.

Constitutionally, only U. Virgin Islands , American Samoa , and Guam , do not have a vote in presidential elections. Researchers have variously attempted to measure which states' voters have the greatest impact in such an indirect election.

Each state gets a minimum of three electoral votes, regardless of population, which gives low-population states a disproportionate number of electors per capita.

Countervailing analyses which do take into consideration the sizes of the electoral voting blocs, such as the Banzhaf power index BPI model based on probability theory lead to very different conclusions about voters relative power.

Banzhaf III who developed the Banzhaf power index determined that a voter in the state of New York had, on average, 3. More empirically based models of voting yield results that seem to favor larger states less.

In practice, the winner-take-all manner of allocating a state's electors generally decreases the importance of minor parties. The United States of America is a federal coalition that consists of component states.

Proponents of the current system argue the collective opinion of even a small state merits attention at the federal level greater than that given to a small, though numerically equivalent, portion of a very populous state.

The system also allows each state the freedom, within constitutional bounds, to design its own laws on voting and enfranchisement without an undue incentive to maximize the number of votes cast.

For many years early in the nation's history, up until the Jacksonian Era , many states appointed their electors by a vote of the state legislature , and proponents argue that, in the end, the election of the president must still come down to the decisions of each state, or the federal nature of the United States will give way to a single massive, centralized government.

In his book A More Perfect Constitution , Professor Larry Sabato elaborated on this advantage of the Electoral College, arguing to "mend it, don't end it," in part because of its usefulness in forcing candidates to pay attention to lightly populated states and reinforcing the role of states in federalism.

Instead of decreasing the power of minority groups by depressing voter turnout, proponents argue that by making the votes of a given state an all-or-nothing affair, minority groups can provide the critical edge that allows a candidate to win.

This encourages candidates to court a wide variety of such minorities and advocacy groups. Proponents of the Electoral College see its negative effect on third parties as beneficial.

They argue that the two party system has provided stability because it encourages a delayed adjustment during times of rapid political and cultural change.

They believe it protects the most powerful office in the country from control by what these proponents view as regional minorities until they can moderate their views to win broad, long-term support across the nation.

Advocates of a national popular vote for president suggest that this effect would also be true in popular vote elections. According to this argument, the fact the Electoral College is made up of real people instead of mere numbers allows for human judgment and flexibility to make a decision, if it happens that a candidate dies or becomes legally disabled around the time of the election.

Advocates of the current system argue that human electors would be in a better position to choose a suitable replacement than the general voting public.

According to this view, electors could act decisively during the critical time interval between when ballot choices become fixed in state ballots [] until mid-December when the electors formally cast their ballots.

In the election of , vice president Sherman died shortly before the election when it was too late for states to remove his name from their ballots; accordingly, Sherman was listed posthumously, but the eight electoral votes that Sherman would have received were cast instead for Nicholas Murray Butler.

Some supporters of the Electoral College note that it isolates the impact of any election fraud, or other such problems, to the state where it occurs.

It prevents instances where a party dominant in one state may dishonestly inflate the votes for a candidate and thereby affect the election outcome.

For instance, recounts occur only on a state-by-state basis, not nationwide. Most polls since have shown that a majority of Americans favor the president and vice president being elected by the nationwide popular vote, instead of by the Electoral College, [] [] though polls taken since have shown an increase in support for keeping the Electoral College.

The closest the United States has come to abolishing the Electoral College occurred during the 91st Congress — However, Nixon had received only , more popular votes than Humphrey, Representative Emanuel Celler D—New York , chairman of the House Judiciary Committee , responded to public concerns over the disparity between the popular vote and electoral vote by introducing House Joint Resolution , a proposed Constitutional amendment that would have replaced the Electoral College with a simpler plurality system based on the national popular vote.

The word "pair" was defined as "two persons who shall have consented to the joining of their names as candidates for the offices of president and vice president.

On October 8, , the New York Times reported that 30 state legislatures were "either certain or likely to approve a constitutional amendment embodying the direct election plan if it passes its final Congressional test in the Senate.

The paper also reported that six other states had yet to state a preference, six were leaning toward opposition, and eight were solidly opposed.

On August 14, , the Senate Judiciary Committee sent its report advocating passage of the proposal to the full Senate.

The Judiciary Committee had approved the proposal by a vote of 11 to 6. Senator Bayh indicated that supporters of the measure were about a dozen votes shy from the 67 needed for the proposal to pass the full Senate.

On September 8, , the Senate commenced openly debating the proposal, [] and the proposal was quickly filibustered. The lead objectors to the proposal were mostly Southern senators and conservatives from small states, both Democrats and Republicans, who argued that abolishing the Electoral College would reduce their states' political influence.

Thereafter, the Senate majority leader, Mike Mansfield of Montana, moved to lay the proposal aside so the Senate could attend to other business.

On March 22, , President Jimmy Carter wrote a letter of reform to Congress that also included his expression of essentially abolishing the Electoral College.

The letter read in part:. My fourth recommendation is that the Congress adopt a Constitutional amendment to provide for direct popular election of the President.

Such an amendment, which would abolish the Electoral College, will ensure that the candidate chosen by the voters actually becomes President.

Under the Electoral College, it is always possible that the winner of the popular vote will not be elected.

This has already happened in three elections, , , and In the last election, the result could have been changed by a small shift of votes in Ohio and Hawaii, despite a popular vote difference of 1.

I do not recommend a Constitutional amendment lightly. I think the amendment process must be reserved for an issue of overriding governmental significance.

But the method by which we elect our President is such an issue. I will not be proposing a specific direct election amendment.

I prefer to allow the Congress to proceed with its work without the interruption of a new proposal.

President Carter's proposed program for the reform of the Electoral College was very liberal for a modern president during this time, and in some aspects of the package, it went beyond original expectations.

Newspaper reaction to Carter's proposal ranged from some editorials praising the proposal to other editorials, like that in the Chicago Tribune , criticizing the president for proposing the end of the Electoral College.

Bingham D-New York highlighted the danger of the "flawed, outdated mechanism of the Electoral College" by underscoring how a shift of fewer than 10, votes in two key states would have led to President Gerald Ford being reelected despite Jimmy Carter's nationwide 1.

Since January 3, , joint resolutions have been made proposing constitutional amendments that would replace the Electoral College with the popular election of the president and vice president.

The compact will not go into effect until the number of states agreeing to the compact form a majority at least of all electors.

The compact is based on the current rule in Article II, Section 1, Clause 2 of the Constitution, which gives each state legislature the plenary power to determine how it chooses its electors.

Some scholars have suggested that Article I, Section 10, Clause 3 of the Constitution requires congressional consent before the compact could be enforceable; [] thus, any attempted implementation of the compact without congressional consent could face court challenges to its constitutionality.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Redirected from Electoral College United States. This article is about the electoral college of the United States.

For electoral colleges in general, see Electoral college. For other uses and regions, see Electoral college disambiguation. United States. Federal government.

Constitution of the United States Law Taxation. Presidential elections Midterm elections Off-year elections. Political parties. Democratic Republican Third parties Libertarian Green.

Other countries. Further information: United States congressional apportionment. Main article: Faithless elector. Further information: Contingent election.

See also: Electoral vote changes between United States presidential elections. See also: List of United States presidential elections in which the winner lost the popular vote.

Main article: Swing state. See also: Duverger's law and Causes of a two-party system. Main article: Two party system. May 15, CRS Report for Congress.

Washington, D. Retrieved July 29, The Heritage Guide to The Constitution. The Heritage Foundation. Retrieved August 6, Annenberg Classroom.

March 29, Retrieved July 30, PRI's The World. Retrieved September 5, USA Today. Retrieved September 6, August 27, Retrieved November 7, July 7, Retrieved July 7, There are 33 states plus the District of Columbia that require electors to vote for a pledged candidate.

Most of those states 16 plus DC nonetheless do not provide for any penalty or any mechanism to prevent the deviant vote from counting as cast.

Congressional Research Service. November 15, October 6, Retrieved January 6, Retrieved January 5, So Why Does It Endure? The New York Times.

Harvard Political Review. The Washington Post. Avalon Project. Retrieved April 13, National Constitution Center. November 28, Retrieved April 9, Ashland University.

Notes of Debates in the Federal Convention of The Norton Library. The Federalist Papers: No. Electoral College: Frequently Asked Questions".

September 19, Harvard Journal on Legislation. Federalist No. Hamilton so strongly believed this was to be done district by district, and when states began doing otherwise, he proposed a constitutional amendment to mandate the district system Hamilton, Draft of a Constitutional Amendment.

Madison concurred, "The district mode was mostly, if not exclusively in view when the Constitution was framed and adopted. The Avalon Project.

Published Agreeably to Resolve of 16th January, Russell, ; [repr". Boston Book Company. January 1, — via Google Books.

Archived from the original on May 25, Electoral College. National Archives. Retrieved April 19, Encyclopedia Britannica.

Congressional Quarterly, Inc. McMaster , No. Unlike the votes taken in the Electoral College, from to , the U. Senate sustained parity between free-soil and slave-holding states.

But subsequently, an unbroken chain of free-soil states, including Iowa, Wisconsin, California, Minnesota, Oregon and Kansas, were admitted before the outbreak of the Civil War.

Constitution Transcript , held at the U. National Archives, viewed online on February 5, Humes, Elaine K.

Swift, Richard M. Valley, Kenneth Finegold, and Evelyn C. Brady and Mathew D. McCubbins, eds. Humes, et al.

The continuing, uninterrupted northern free-soil majority margin in the Electoral College would have been significantly smaller had slaves been counter-factually counted as whole persons, but still the South would have been a minority in the Electoral College over these sixty-eight years.

Negro President: Jefferson and the Slave Power. Houghton Mifflin Harcourt. Retrieved May 20, Virginia had Pennsylvania had Abbeville Institute.

Presidential Election "Events": to the present". The Green Papers. Washington Post. Retrieved November 21, Retrieved August 2, Retrieved November 22, Here is a basic guide to the electoral college system".

Raw Story. October 25, Cleveland Plain Dealer reprint at Edison Research. Archived from the original PDF on July 10, Retrieved January 3, Green Papers.

Kozlowski Infobase Publishing. Takoma Park, Maryland: FairVote. Retrieved August 1, National Archives and Records Administration. Retrieved January 22, Retrieved August 26, Electoral College — For State Officials".

Archived from the original on October 25, NBC News. Retrieved April 5, Fair Vote. Retrieved July 25, Retrieved March 19, Alexander Hamilton.

New York: Penguin, Lessig said. Trump won states with electoral votes, and Mrs. Clinton But the vote in the Electoral College was to , with seven electors defecting , the most ever.

Warren said while campaigning in March. In addition, 15 states and the District of Columbia have passed laws to award their electoral votes to the winner of the national popular vote.

The agreement would go into effect once states representing a majority of electoral votes join the interstate agreement.

Issue 3: Guests. Most people don't mind guests all that much But it's no fun to go wandering into your own bathroom, half asleep, only to find a stranger — particularly one of a different gender — there unexpectedly.

Having a conversation and agreement about guests is especially important to do in advance of any trouble.

Talk with your roommate s about a "guest policy" of sorts. Clearly, if someone has a guest over, that guest is going to need to use the bathroom at some point, so get some rules in order.

If a guest is in the bathroom, how should other people be notified? Is it okay for a guest not just to use the bathroom but to do other things, like use the shower?

What if someone has a frequent guest; can they leave their things in the bathroom? What if the person who has the guest isn't in the apartment or room?

Is the guest allowed to just stay and hang out and, consequently, use the bathroom? Issue 4: Sharing. Darnit, you ran out of toothpaste again.

Will your roommate even notice if you just take a little squirt this morning? What about a little shampoo? And conditioner? And moisturizer?

And shaving cream? And maybe sharing a little mascara, too? Sharing here and there can be part of having a healthy relationship with the people you live with, but it can also lead to major problems.

Be clear with your roommates about when and if it's okay to share. Do you want to be asked in advance first? Are some things okay to share from time to time, only in an emergency, or never?

Make sure to be clear, too; you may not even consider the idea that your roommate would "share" your deodorant one day, but they may not think twice before doing it.

Make sure to talk, too, about general use items — like the hand soap, toilet paper, and bathroom cleaners — and how and when those should be replaced as well as by whom.

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